For years now, since Reagan got elected, we've been hearing rants from the Right on the evilness of Liberals. Listen to Limbaugh or his ilk, and you'll get the idea that Liberals are all a mixture of Jimmy Hoffa, Jessie Jackson, Noam Chomsky, and Hubert Humphrey. You'll note that these are completely incompatible. To the Right, "Liberal" is just a "hate word" — its only real meaning is "I don't like it". Just the thing for a two-minute hate, but no good for a real discussion.
So what are we really talking about here? Well, let's see what one of the more famous American Liberals had to say about it:
What do our opponents mean when they apply to us the label "Liberal?"
If by "Liberal" they mean, as they want people to believe, someone who
is soft in his policies abroad, who is against local government, and
who is unconcerned with the taxpayer's dollar, then the record of this
party and its members demonstrate that we are not that kind of
"Liberal." But if by a "Liberal" they mean someone who looks ahead and
not behind, someone who welcomes new ideas without rigid reactions,
someone who cares about the welfare of the people -- their health,
their housing, their schools, their jobs, their civil rights, and
their civil liberties -- someone who believes we can break through the
stalemate and suspicions that grip us in our policies abroad, if that
is what they mean by a "Liberal," then I'm proud to say I'm a
"Liberal."
But first, I would like to say what I understand the word "Liberal" to
mean and explain in the process why I consider myself to be a
"Liberal," and what it means in the presidential election of 1960.
In short, having set forth my view -- I hope for all time -- two
nights ago in Houston, on the proper relationship between church and
state, I want to take the opportunity to set forth my views on the
proper relationship between the state and the citizen. This is my
political credo:
I believe in human dignity as the source of national purpose, in human
liberty as the source of national action, in the human heart as the
source of national compassion, and in the human mind as the source of
our invention and our ideas. It is, I believe, the faith in our fellow
citizens as individuals and as people that lies at the heart of the
liberal faith. For liberalism is not so much a party creed or set of
fixed platform promises as it is an attitude of mind and heart, a
faith in man's ability through the experiences of his reason and
judgment to increase for himself and his fellow men the amount of
justice and freedom and brotherhood which all human life deserves.
I believe also in the United States of America, in the promise that it
contains and has contained throughout our history of producing a
society so abundant and creative and so free and responsible that it
cannot only fulfill the aspirations of its citizens, but serve equally
well as a beacon for all mankind. I do not believe in a superstate. I
see no magic in tax dollars which are sent to Washington and then
returned. I abhor the waste and incompetence of large-scale federal
bureaucracies in this administration as well as in others. I do not
favor state compulsion when voluntary individual effort can do the job
and do it well. But I believe in a government which acts, which
exercises its full powers and full responsibilities. Government is an
art and a precious obligation; and when it has a job to do, I believe
it should do it. And this requires not only great ends but that we
propose concrete means of achieving them.
Our responsibility is not discharged by announcement of virtuous ends.
Our responsibility is to achieve these objectives with social
invention, with political skill, and executive vigor. I believe for
these reasons that liberalism is our best and only hope in the world
today. For the liberal society is a free society, and it is at the
same time and for that reason a strong society. Its strength is drawn
from the will of free people committed to great ends and peacefully
striving to meet them. Only liberalism, in short, can repair our
national power, restore our national purpose, and liberate our
national energies. And the only basic issue in the 1960 campaign is
whether our government will fall in a conservative rut and die there,
or whether we will move ahead in the liberal spirit of daring, of
breaking new ground, of doing in our generation what Woodrow Wilson
and Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman and Adlai Stevenson did in
their time of influence and responsibility.
Our liberalism has its roots in our diverse origins. Most of us are
descended from that segment of the American population which was once
called an immigrant minority. Today, along with our children and
grandchildren, we do not feel minor. We feel proud of our origins and
we are not second to any group in our sense of national purpose. For
many years New York represented the new frontier to all those who came
from the ends of the earth to find new opportunity and new freedom,
generations of men and women who fled from the despotism of the czars,
the horrors of the Nazis, the tyranny of hunger, who came here to the
new frontier in the State of New York. These men and women, a living
cross section of American history, indeed, a cross section of the
entire world's history of pain and hope, made of this city not only a
new world of opportunity, but a new world of the spirit as well.
Tonight we salute Governor and Senator Herbert Lehman as a symbol of
that spirit, and as a reminder that the fight for full constitutional
rights for all Americans is a fight that must be carried on in 1961.
Many of these same immigrant families produced the pioneers and
builders of the American labor movement. They are the men who sweated
in our shops, who struggled to create a union, and who were driven by
longing for education for their children and for the children's
development. They went to night schools; they built their own future,
their union's future, and their country's future, brick by brick,
block by block, neighborhood by neighborhood, and now in their
children's time, suburb by suburb.
Tonight we salute George Meany as a symbol of that struggle and as a
reminder that the fight to eliminate poverty and human exploitation is
a fight that goes on in our day. But in 1960 the cause of liberalism
cannot content itself with carrying on the fight for human justice and
economic liberalism here at home. For here and around the world the
fear of war hangs over us every morning and every night. It lies,
expressed or silent, in the minds of every American. We cannot banish
it by repeating that we are economically first or that we are
militarily first, for saying so doesn't make it so. More will be
needed than goodwill missions or talking back to Soviet politicians or
increasing the tempo of the arms race. More will be needed than good
intentions, for we know where that paving leads.
In Winston Churchill's words, "We cannot escape our dangers by
recoiling from them. We dare not pretend such dangers do not exist."
And tonight we salute Adlai Stevenson as an eloquent spokesman for the
effort to achieve an intelligent foreign policy. Our opponents would
like the people to believe that in a time of danger it would be
hazardous to change the administration that has brought us to this
time of danger. I think it would be hazardous not to change. I think
it would be hazardous to continue four more years of stagnation and
indifference here at home and abroad, of starving the underpinnings of
our national power, including not only our defense but our image
abroad as a friend.
This is an important election -- in many ways as important as any this
century -- and I think that the Democratic Party and the Liberal Party
here in New York, and those who believe in progress all over the
United States, should be associated with us in this great effort.
The reason that Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman
and Adlai Stevenson had influence abroad, and the United States in
their time had it, was because they moved this country here at home,
because they stood for something here in the United States, for
expanding the benefits of our society to our own people, and the
people around the world looked to us as a symbol of hope.
I think it is our task to re-create the same atmosphere in our own
time. Our national elections have often proved to be the turning point
in the course of our country. I am proposing that 1960 be another
turning point in the history of the great Republic.
Some pundits are saying it's 1928 all over again. I say it's 1932 all
over again. I say this is the great opportunity that we will have in
our time to move our people and this country and the people of the
free world beyond the new frontiers of the 1960s.
— Sen. John F. Kennedy, acceptance of the New York Liberal Party
Nomination, September 14, 1960.
Now when right-wingers talk about how bad liberals are, just ask them exactly what part of this they disagree with.